[Full explosive leaked WhatsApp details below.] In a revelation that will send shockwaves throughout the chareidi world, it has come to light that senior members of the Conservative movement have been secretly orchestrating a campaign to sway public opinion and even influence daas Torah within the heart of the chareidi community, using deception, subterfuge, and substantial financial incentives.
According to leaked WhatsApp conversations and internal correspondence obtained in a follow-up investigation by Kikar HaShabbat, Conservative officials, including high-ranking figures in the movement’s global apparatus, plotted to funnel money into targeted ad campaigns, publish street posters and pashkevilim, and even offer payment in exchange for rabbinic signatures and endorsements.
The goal?
To undermine the Eretz HaKodesh slate and influence outcomes in the World Zionist Organization elections, all while pretending to be “insiders” in the chareidi world.
The deceit has been layered and carefully crafted. Conservative officials used code names, false identities, and messaging designed to appear authentically chareidi, all to gain credibility and push their anti-Eretz HaKodesh messaging into the streets of Bnei Brak, Yerushalayim, and the United States. The newly uncovered materials reveal a calculated effort to mask their involvement at every step, with instructions to campaigners to “never reveal the client” and to fabricate identities, such as falsely claiming to be “former talmidim of Rav Landau seeking to protect his honor.”
The Secret WhatsApp Group of Senior Conservative Officials
The attempts by the Conservative movement to meddle in the chareidi public are now fully exposed. In a continuation of Kikar HaShabbat’s earlier investigation that sparked widespread outrage in Israel and abroad, the news outlet has now revealed the full WhatsApp exchanges behind the campaign led by a senior representative of the Conservative movement and his assistant. They sought to run a major campaign within the chareidi world, both in Israel and globally, involving themselves in every detail, while continuously hiding their involvement and covering their tracks.
After Kikar HaShabbat published its investigation into the campaign run by the Conservative movement to sway public opinion in the chareidi street, dozens of shocked responses poured in, some even sharing new information about the movement’s activities. The revelations included that the Conservative operatives spared no effort in trying to harm the Eretz HaKodesh party and tarnish its name amongst the chareidi public.
As was reported, the Merkaz Olami organization of the Conservative movement funded the entire campaign of posters plastered throughout chareidi neighborhoods attacking Eretz HaKodesh and the World Zionist Organization. The organization and its representatives declined to comment—but did not deny the report.
Now, Kikar HaShabbat has revealed another chapter: explosive WhatsApp exchanges within a group chat involving Yizhar Hess, a senior Conservative figure who serves as Deputy Chair of the World Zionist Organization, and his chief of staff, Eyal Ostrinsky, a former Labor party member known as the mastermind behind many progressive campaigns in Zionist institutions. In the chats, they coordinate every part of the campaign, while carefully hiding their role.
At the same time, Hess tweets publicly about his supposed partnership with members of Eretz HaKodesh and praises them, while behind the scenes he directs a targeted smear campaign, planting posters and pashkevilim against them in their own neighborhoods.
“When you get a personal flyer in front of your home, and the neighbors see it, it’s more effective,” he says.
In the WhatsApp exchanges, the deep involvement of Hess and Ostrinsky in the negative campaign against Eretz HaKodesh is clearly visible, utilizing street ads, pashkevilim, social media posts, and even ad placement in American chareidi publications under disguised funding sources.
From the messages, it’s clear that not only did the money come directly from the Conservative movement, but Hess and Ostrinsky were personally involved in writing the ads, formulating the messages against Eretz HaKodesh and the World Zionist Organization, and choosing locations, specifically near the homes of Eretz HaKodesh leaders, for maximum personal and communal pressure.
WHATSAPP CONVERSATION EXCERPTS
Selected Messages from the Leaked Conversations:
Campaigner: I’ve moved on to the Litvishe rabbanim scene in the U.S.
Ostrinsky: Excellent.
Campaigner: Rav Kotler and a few others. It’s being checked. I’ll have answers tomorrow.
Ostrinsky: They should see what Rav Landau wrote.
Campaigner: In the U.S., do you want them to back Rav Landau’s statement or issue an independent one with the same message?
Ostrinsky: If they join Rav Landau, wouldn’t that be more powerful?
Campaigner: Yes. But if we do separate letters, we can get two newspaper ads. More exposure.
A few days later, the campaigner presented a potential list of rabbanim in Israel willing to sign against Eretz HaKodesh. He shared a price sheet and engaged in a cost-benefit analysis with Conservative representatives, calculating each name’s influence and worth. The conversation also referenced other partners working behind the scenes through additional, unexposed channels.
Campaigner:

• Rav Shimon Galei
• Rav Mordechai Gross
• Rav Yitzchok Zilberstein
• Rav Mordechai Bunim Zilberberg
• Rav Koledetzky
• Rav Dovid Cohen
• Rav Eliezer Yehuda Finkel
• Rav Aviezer Piltz
• Rav Yigal Rosen

Total: 35,000 NIS
Campaigner: Litvishe rabbanim, second tier in Israel.
Around 4,000 per name.
Ostrinsky: I’m checking the names.
Ostrinsky: Koledetzky — is he the son-in-law of Rav Chaim Kanievsky?
Campaigner: Yes. This is a tentative list. No guarantee they’ll all agree.
Ostrinsky: Rav Mordechai Gross is interesting. He heads the bais din in Paris.
Ostrinsky: Maybe he’s more relevant to France?
Campaigner: He leans toward the Yerushalmi Faction. Might work with him. Not sure of his stance on Eretz HaKodesh.
Hess: I don’t recognize many of these names.
Hess: This is a crazy price, isn’t it?
Campaigner: Because it’s a lot of rabbanim. But we don’t need all of them.
Hess: Still, maybe the volume is worth it?
Campaigner: I’ll ask how much he wants for the ones we actually need. But yes, the price is wild. Your call.
Hess: Try to negotiate.
Hess: What do you think?
Campaigner: If we drop Rav Zilberstein and go with Galei, Koledetzky, Cohen, and Gross — he’ll do it for 20. Based on difficulty.
Campaigner: Koledetzky is also Rav Kanievsky’s son-in-law.
Hess: Is Zilberstein important?
Campaigner: Sorry, Zilberstein is his brother-in-law, and Koldetzky is the son-in-law.
Campaigner: I asked about price again. Apparently, the “cake” is too big — too many people need a slice. He claims he can’t go lower.
Hess: Maybe pay per signature to motivate? If he comes back with 3–4 unimpactful names, what’s the point?
Campaigner: Exactly. One signature — 5K.
Hess: Who are the most important names?
Campaigner: Galei is like the Ashkenazi “baba” — huge in America. Gross, you said, is big in France.
Hess: You’ve got the green light. Good luck.
Ostrinsky: Also Dovid Cohen.
Ostrinsky: Finkel is a Moetzes member too. Try him.
Campaigner: What’s the budget? 25? 20?
Ostrinsky: You’re not getting more than 4–5 names, right?
Ostrinsky: So yeah.
Campaigner: Who are the top four you want him to try?
Ostrinsky: The ones you listed. Just swap Gross for Dovid Cohen.
A few days later, the topic resurfaced, now with a push to have rabbanim sign Rav Dov Landau’s letter. Yizhar Hess remained actively involved, constantly checking in.
Campaigner: He wants the original letter, but Rav Landau’s house isn’t giving it to me. Trying to get it.
The next day:
Hess: What’s happening with the letters?
Campaigner: We got to Rav Landau’s driver. He’s willing to help and reach out to other rabbanim — if we tell him who’s really behind this. We’re stalling. Let’s see if it works.
The day after:
Hess: Any update on the letters?
Campaigner: I just messaged him — waiting for a reply.
Later it became clear that the original letter wouldn’t be released, making it harder to get additional rabbanim to sign onto the version printed publicly. Hess kept pressing.
Campaigner: Rav Landau’s house doesn’t want to release the original letter. Big problem. That’s what the intermediary says.
Hess: But does anyone actually doubt its authenticity?
The campaigner shared a voice message from someone close to Rav Galei, saying they showed him the published letter from Yated Ne’eman and he refused to address it under such circumstances.
Campaigner: Listen when you have a chance.
Hess: I listened.
Later, the campaigner posted a link to a video shared on Dvir Amar’s X account, showing Rav Dov Landau opposing voting for Eretz HaKodesh and the World Zionist Organization.
Campaigner: [link]
Campaigner: Wow. Who’s behind this?
Hess: No idea. Interesting.
A new tactic emerged: targeting rabbanim from the Syrian (Halabi) community in the U.S. with a letter against participating in the World Zionist Organization elections. Hess’s response hinted at others working behind the scenes for him.
Campaigner: Someone told me that the Syrian community in the U.S. votes for Eretz HaKodesh. I’m checking how big it is. Maybe we can try a Sephardi rabbanim letter? Easier than Ashkenazim. Worth exploring?
Hess: It’s being handled.
Hess: No.
*******************************
Campaigner:
“Should we start posting flyers near Gafni and Litov?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Eyal?”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Do we have a cost estimate for that?”
Campaigner:
“Yes.”
(Attaches pricing breakdown)
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Both of those look reasonable to me.”
Campaigner:
“Tuesday coming up, or Thursday night next week?
When do we start?”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Next Thursday, in my opinion.”
Campaigner:
(Thumbs up)
At this stage, Hess and Ostrinsky await the final wording of the ad for approval, emphasizing the need to conceal their identity. They begin a long discussion about personal attacks on Shmuel Litov and his aide, Eliyahu Gafni, son of MK Moshe Gafni.
Campaigner:
“Initial draft of the flyer text.”
(File attached)
“Before proofreading, etc.
Your thoughts?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Great text.”
“Waiting.”
“And obviously, don’t reveal who the client is.”
“Let’s just say we’re former talmidim of Rav Landau who want to protect his kavod.”
Campaigner:
“Of course :)”
Yizhar Hess:
“What about Litov?
Gafni and his son?”
Campaigner:
“I wasn’t sure.
Do we do all three together?
Whatever you want.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Not sure.
Eyal, what do you think?”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Together.”
Campaigner:
“Great.
On it.”
Yizhar Hess:
“And all this right before Shabbos.”
Campaigner:
“Most likely Thursday night.
At night.
Thursday night.”
Yizhar Hess:
“So they’ll take them down Friday morning, no?”
Campaigner:
“No.
In my previous campaigns, they weren’t removed.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Cool.”
“This is for all four—Pindrus, Litov, Gafni Sr., and Gafni Jr.?”
Campaigner:
“Yes, I added them.”
They discuss ad pricing based on quotes from Bnei Brak and Yerushalayim. Hess asks whether the prices include getting popular chareidi Twitter influencers to post photos of the ads.
Campaigner:
“Tweets are separate, but it’s cheap.”
Yizhar Hess:
“How much approximately?”
Campaigner:
“No more than 1,000 shekels.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Ok.”
“Say, wouldn’t it be better to do 4 separate flyers? One for each person?”
“Doesn’t it make the message stronger when it’s personal?”
Campaigner:
“Definitely possible,
But it increases costs.
Want me to check price?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Yes. Check.”
“When you get a personal flyer in front of your house and neighbors, it’s more effective.”
They continue discussing the wording and how to make the ad appear authentically chareidi.
Campaigner:
“Should we include their photos in the flyer?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Not sure. What’s standard? What looks most authentic to this community? What’s the norm today?”
“What would supporters of Rav Landau likely do?”
Campaigner:
“Without.
We’ll do without.”
“Do you want two different texts? Or use the same one and just tweak it for each target?”
Yizhar Hess:
“I think two different texts is better.”
Campaigner:
“Okay.
On it.”
Yizhar Hess:
“And the one for Litov—make that one the strongest.”
Campaigner:
“LOL, got it.”
Yizhar Hess:
“And Gafni—focus on the son.”
Campaigner:
“Not both together?”
Yizhar Hess:
“No, no—both Gafnis together.”
Campaigner:
(Sends two different versions of the flyers)
“These are two separate drafts.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Go for it!”
Campaigner:
“Any comments or suggestions?”
Yizhar Hess:
“I’m not worthy.
Just make sure it’s written in authentic chareidi style.”
(Files attached)
Campaigner:
“Can you approve both of these for me quickly?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Approved.”
Campaigner:
(Thumbs up)
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Looks excellent.”
After the flyers are posted in the streets, the group awaits complementary posts from chareidi Twitter influencers who will post photos of the signs targeting members of Eretz HaKodesh. In the meantime, Ostrinsky briefs the team on the salary details of Eretz HaKodesh personnel in KKL.
Campaigner:
“What exactly is Eliyahu Gafni’s role?”
Yizhar Hess:
“He’s the personal assistant to the Vice Chairman of KKL, Shmuel Litov.
21,000 shekels + car.”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“He doesn’t have a car.
It’s just a salary of 21,000 shekels.”
Campaigner:
“Okay, not critical.”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Still, a very respectable salary, but best not to get the details wrong.”
After the Israeli campaign, the team begins planning for another round, this time targeting chareidi areas in the United States with anti-Eretz HaKodesh and anti-WZO messaging.
Yizhar Hess:
“[Name redacted.] What about placing ads in Yated Ne’eman and Mishpacha in the U.S.?”
Campaigner:
“The office requested price quotes. I’ll check what happened with that.”
A few days later…
Campaigner:
“There’s a guy putting up posters in Boro Park.
Is that useful for us? Do they have voters there?
Same style of posters as in Eretz Yisroel.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Wonderful.”
Campaigner:
“What other neighborhoods/cities should we target in the New York area?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Lakewood.”
“Five Towns.”
Campaigner:
“Okay.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Rockaway.
Though Boro Park is more Chassidish than Litvish.
They don’t vote?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Less so.
Eretz HaKodesh is stronger with Litvaks, if I understand correctly.”
Campaigner:
“Okay.”
(Ad file and U.S. pricing quote attached)
Campaigner:
“There will be one more small expense for graphics and an English copywriter, I believe.”
Yizhar Hess:
“And who can write the appropriate ad?
We need someone who speaks American Litvishe chareidi language.”
Campaigner:
“I’ve got someone.
Not a problem.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Meaning someone who can write English in American Litvishe chareidi dialect.”
Campaigner:
“You want the same text as the one from Israel, just rewritten in English? Or a brand new one, like I write it in Hebrew and someone translates it?”
Yizhar Hess:
“No, no. We need something completely different.
It has to speak their language. This isn’t just translation. It’s cultural adaptation.”
A few days later, they push forward with the U.S. campaign. The Conservative operatives are eager to launch, but adamant that their identity remains hidden.
Campaigner:
“Okay, I have an all-in-one price quote for the U.S.:
Ads in all the agreed neighborhoods.
Including an English-language copywriter familiar with the nuances.
Ad in Yated in English.
Ad in Mishpacha in English.
Ad in Ami Magazine (strongest reach there).
48,000 shekels.
Includes graphics, everything.
Assuming all three media outlets accept.
If one of them refuses, subtract $2,500.”
Yizhar Hess:
“[Name redacted.] The ad must be very simple, with Rav Landau’s letter front and center. In Hebrew and English. That’s it. No commentary.
Maybe just a headline: ‘It is forbidden to vote in the World Zionist Congress elections.’”
Yizhar Hess:
“Also, check what the legal situation is in the U.S.. Make sure that the agency you’re using won’t be forced to disclose your identity.”
Campaigner:
“It’s through the ad agency.
No one knows who’s behind it.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Which ad agency? The Israeli one?”
Campaigner:
“Yes.”
Yizhar Hess:
“I’m a little concerned. Double-check with them. What happens if they’re legally required to reveal the client’s identity?”
Campaigner:
“Checking.”
Yizhar Hess:
“There are some states where you can’t place ads without disclosing the sponsor.
Maybe it’s not like that there.”
Yizhar Hess:
“But we have to make sure.”
Campaigner:
“The ad agency is the one officially ordering it.”
In the continuation of the conversation, Hess gives specific guidance for the message to be included in the U.S. ads: a ban on participating in the Zionist elections. He insists the wording be clear and authentic.
Campaigner:
“What messages should go in the ad?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Just Rav Landau’s letter in Hebrew, and a simple title explaining the serious prohibition of participating in the Zionist elections.”
Campaigner:
“Okay, will take care of it.”
Yizhar Hess:
“But it needs to be written by a healthy, mainstream American chareidi. A typical Israeli ad agency will fail at making it sound authentic.”
Campaigner:
“They employ a professional English copywriter.”
Yizhar Hess:
“But that’s not enough. It’s not just English.
Even in England and Australia they speak English. It has to be someone who specializes in American chareidi language. Otherwise, we’ll fall flat.”
Throughout all the correspondence, it’s clear how obsessed the Conservative operatives are with not being exposed. They repeatedly emphasize that all publications must use chareidi-style language and design to avoid raising suspicion.
After the posters and related tweets featuring their photos appear in the streets of Yerushalayim and Bnei Brak, Hess himself retweets the photos, along with a message describing Eliyahu Gafni as “pleasant and kind.” This sparks a group debate about whether Hess’s tweet might reveal their involvement.
Campaigner:
“Yizhar, I don’t think this tweet is a good idea.
Not because of the content,
but because it might cause people to connect the dots between you and the posters.
It’ll raise suspicion, and people might stop tweeting in the future, etc.”
Yizhar Hess:
“If I don’t respond, it’ll look even weirder. That’ll raise suspicion.”
Campaigner:
“Don’t agree.
Pindrus’s people will jump on this.”
Eyal Ostrinsky:
“Yizhar, better listen to him.”
In another section of the chat, Hess reacts to a draft text:
Campaigner:
“Thoughts on the text?”
Yizhar Hess:
“Does it sound like something a ben Torah would write?”
Campaigner:
“I think so.
I’ll ask.”
Campaigner:
J “Love it.
Excellent. If it sounds like that, then it should reach the ears of the bnei Torah.”
Yizhar Hess:
“Now I know they say Tayreh, not Toyrah.”
{Matzav.com}